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President Muhammadu Buhari is not having it easy these days with various unpleasant issues, which are making governance an unsavoury experience for him and his team

By Olu Ojewale

THESE are challenging times for Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari. The president, who got elected on his pledge to improve security, fight against corruption, fix Nigerian economy and generally, change things for the better, now appears to be having some headaches on how to deliver on his promises. Barely 12 months to another generally elections, the president must have realised that time is no longer on his side. Hence, for the second week running Buhari has been on a damage control mission to some parts of the troubles states.

On Wednesday, March 14, the president met with the parents of the students of Government Girls’ Science/Technical Secondary School, Dapchi, Yobe State, assuring them that no stone would be left unturned to ensure the safe return of their children. Boko Haram terrorists had abducted 110 schoolgirls from Dapchi on February 19.

Accompanied by Governor Ibrahim Gaidam of Yobe State, Buhari met with the parents in Dapchi after a meeting with stakeholders in Damaturu, Yobe State. He said he had directed full scale aerial surveillance and investigation to ensure that the girls were returned safely.

“I have read the full report of what happened in Dapchi. As I received the report, I was saddened and I am praying that God will continue to console you,” he said.

President Buhari also said that government would ensure that the Boko Haram menace was totally brought to an end.

At a town hall meeting in Abuja, on Wednesday, March 18, 2015, Buhari had made a similar promise while he was campaigning for his presidential election. He assured the nation then that his administration would marshal out plans that would end insurgency and ethno-religious violence in the country.

He said then: “As a father, I feel the pain of the victims of insurgency, kidnapping and violence. Under my watch, no force, external or internal, will occupy even an inch of Nigerian soil. I will give it all it takes to ensure that our girls kidnapped from Chibok are rescued and reintegrated with their families.”

But at the time the Dapchi schoolgirls were abducted on February 19, 112 Chibok schoolgirls were and are still held by Boko Haram insurgents out of 276 schoolgirls abducted on April 14, 2014. With the addition of 110 Dapchi schoolgirls, Boko Haram terrorists now have a total of 222 Nigerian schoolgirls in their custody, thereby compounding the president’s headache.

Added to that, on Tuesday, March 13, the #BringBackOurGirls pressure group gave the government a seven-day deadline to free the remaining 112 Chibok girls and 110 Dapchi girls or face court action.

The group, which was set up in the wake of Chibok, accused the government of “incompetence and carelessness” and would sue it for criminal negligence if the girls were not freed.

In his speech, Buhari said he was aware of “orchestrations by some evil elements to take advantage of the development to score cheap political points.”

That notwithstanding, Buhari wants Nigerians to be rest assured that he is up to the task. He said: “Boko Haram was in control of many local councils in Borno and some parts of Yobe State before we came. Now it has resorted to using young girls for suicide missions in mosques, churches and motor parks.

“We will not spare their members. We will ensure that Boko Haram meets its waterloo. By the will of God, I have directed the Police and reinforced them, and the Army and Air Force to keep searching until the children are returned alive,” he said.

But Boko Haram insurgence is not the only security concern of the president. Incessant killings by Fulani herdsmen in some parts of the country have been a major issue across the country since late last year.

Even if the president has been reading reports on the feelings of affected Nigerians, he got a practical example during his visit to Benue State on Monday, March 12. There was no jubilant crowd to welcome him or acknowledge his presence in the state.

Contrary to what happened when the president visited the state in 2015 during his campaign, markets and schools were not closed; pupils did not line the streets and no banners to welcome him to the state. Most people were seen going about their businesses and showing no interest in the presidential visit. Security agents took over empty streets.

Instead, family members of some of those killed in the New Year’s Day attacks in which 73 people died staged a peaceful protest in front of the venue where he met with prominent leaders of the state.

The protesters, numbering about 50 and decked in black apparels, carried placards, lamenting the killings and asking government to end such savagery of Fulani herdsmen. In addition, they sought compensation for the families of the deceased.

Security agents barred the protesters from going into the Government House. They were restricted to the Government House Roundabout where they held up their placards, singing mournful songs and calling attention. Some of the placards carried photos of those killed.

Some of the placards read: End the killings or resign, Buhari and Everyone is a Yusuf. Yusuf is Buhari’s son who had an accident while riding a power bike. He was flown overseas for treatment and returned back to the country recently.

James Ogaba, one of the protesters, said he had nothing to do with the president’s visit, having lost three members of his family in the Agatu attacks by the herdsmen.

Mwuese Akura, a native of the state, who resides in Gboko, an outskirt of Maukurdi, told Realnews: “We are mourning. The president should know that we are not safe and rise up to the occasion. We have no time for empty promises; he should do something about Fulani herdsmen fast before we are all killed.”

Indeed, Fulani herdsmen have been at loggerheads with farmers and residents of hosting states because of their insistence to have unfettered access to grazing lands. In the process, there have been clashes and unprovoked attacks by gun wielding Fulani herdsmen leading to killings and ejection of people from their communities.

To save their people and farmlands from ravaging Fulani herdsmen, many states across the country have enacted anti-open grazing laws, which the herdsmen have been resisting.

This, perhaps, prompted Paul Unongo, elder statesman, to urge the president to support the implementation of the anti-open grazing law in Benue State.

The law, which was enacted in July 2017, came into effect in November 2017 but its implementation has been controversial because herdsmen vowed to resist it.

Unongo said: “The federal government should insist that the law is implemented because it is the only way to end the clashes between farmers and herdsmen.”

Edward Ujege, president, Mzough U Tiv, a Tiv socio-political group, called for compensation for victims of the attacks.

Wilfred Anagbe, a bishop of the Catholic Diocese of Makurdi, Benue State, alleged that the response of the federal government was “coming too late.”

Anagbe appealed to herdsmen to accept the anti-open grazing law to reduce clashes between them and farmers.

On his part, Governor Samuel Ortom of Benue State pleaded with the federal government to compensate persons displaced by the attacks. He told the president: “On January 11, we buried 73 persons. And 65 more have been killed since then, while 26 more were killed in Okpokwu Local Government Area, with over 5000 displaced in Mbatoho community.

“As it is now, 170,000 people are living in displaced camps across the state and 60 percent of them are school children. Also, yesterday, two police officers were killed in Guma.”

He called on the president to expand the scope of the military’s operation in the state and sought the arrest and prosecution of the leadership of Miyetti Allah Kautal Hore, widely accused of being behind the killings.

In response, Buhari called for restraint, warning that long after his administration and that of Governor Ortom have ceased, relationship between cattle herders and farmers in Benue State would continue. This, according to him, “is the reality of the situation.”

It was at the occasion that the president shocked his guests when he disclosed that Ibrahim Idris, the inspector general of Police, actually disobeyed his order that he should relocate to Benue State, following the mass killing by herdsmen in the state.

He assured that the Police chief would have to explain to him why his order was not carried out.

Despite his assured commitment to deal with the Fulani herdsmen’s incessant attacks, the herdsmen appear not be relenting in carrying out their nefarious activities. During his visit to Plateau State on Thursday, March 8, the president while launching Plateau State Roadmap to Peace, vowed to end the violence that has claimed hundreds of lives in several states in the country.

He said: “Let me express the Federal Government’s commitment to support and assist the Peace Building Agency in its effort to arrest the vicious cycle of violence and lay the foundation for sustainable peace in our country.”

But less than a week after, and precisely on Wednesday, March 14, two soldiers, two mobile Policemen and 23 others were reportedly killed by suspected Fulani herdsmen during a fierce battle at Dung Kasa, Rafiki and Dutse Kura communities in Bassa Local Government Area of Plateau State. Houses were razed and cars burnt during the attack.

But the Nigerian Army, only confirmed the death of the two soldiers.

The army said 23 dead bodies were also discovered in Mararaba Dare area as the herdsmen opened fire on the troops’ convoy and the residents.

Texas Chukwu, director, Army public relations, said: “Troops of 3 Division Garrison, Jos, arrested seven suspects and recovered weapons in the clash between Miango community and herdsmen at Rafiki village on Wednesday. The troops responded to distress calls to the clash reported by locals.

“As troops moved in to settle the dispute, the herdsmen opened fire on them. Two soldiers paid the supreme price and seven suspects were arrested in connection with the clashes.

“While conducting search, troops discovered 23 dead bodies at Mararaba Dare shortly before Rafiki village and many civilians were wounded. Two other soldiers wounded are receiving medical attention at 3 Division Military Hospital and Medical Services. They are stable.

“Weapons recovered include one Ak 47 assault rifle with 26 rounds of 7.62mm special and one locally made single barrel loaded with 15 rounds. Troops have intensified patrol within the general area to forestall further break down of law and order.”

Observers fear Fulani herdsmen killings may be not end soon with Buhari appearing to treat them with kid gloves.

Should the president decide to contest for a second term in office, another headache for Buhari is his war on corruption. Since he took over power, many politicians and government officials have been arrested over alleged corruption. But sadly not even one of the so-called high profile cases has received a conviction.

That was not the impression he gave when he assumed office in 2015. Then he said: “Corruption is a hydra-headed monster and a cankerworm that undermines the fabric of all societies. It does not differentiate between developed and developing countries. It constitutes a serious threat to good governance, rule of law, peace and security, as well as development programmes aimed at tackling poverty and economic backwardness.” Hence, he said it must be fought on all fronts.

Indeed, but the corruption war is being perceived across the country as selective and one-sided.

Among those who have been prosecuted for corruption are Sambo Dasuki, a retired colonel and former national security adviser, who is on trial for squandering $2.5 billion meant for the purchase of arms for the Nigerian Army to prosecute the war against Boko Haram insurgents in the North East of the country.

From the trial of Dasuki, others suspects emerged. Alex Badeh, the former chief of Defence Staff, is facing trial over alleged $930 million contracts he allegedly awarded while in office. Under Badeh’s leadership, Boko Haram dealt a severe blow to the Nigerian armed forces, partly due to the superior firepower the terrorists possessed.

Others are Raymond Dokpesi, the chairman of Africa Independent Television, AIT, who is accused of money laundering to the tune of N2.1 billion and breach of public procurement law and Olisah Metuh, the former publicity secretary of the PDP, arraigned for allegedly collecting N400m from Dasuki’s office.

Patrick Akpobolokemi, the former director general of the Nigerian Maritime and Safety Agency, NIMASA, was also arraigned on charges of diverting N3.7 billion meant for the development of the Maritime University in Okerenkoko, Delta State, into private pockets. Government Ekpemukpolo, aka Tompolo, who has been on the run, was declared wanted in connection with an alleged N49.6 billion fraud. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, which declared him wanted charged him for conspiracy and the illegal diversion of N34 billion and N11.9 billion belonging to NIMASA. His account has been frozen for dishonouring the invitation of the EFCC for questioning.

Alison Madueke, the former minister of Petroleum Resources, who has been residing in the United Kingdom, has been accused of stealing and misappropriation of government money running into billions of United States dollars.

In recent time, the case of Abdulrasheed Maina, the former chairman of Pension Reform Task, took the nation by storm. Having been declared wanted by the EFCC, Maina who was reported to have scampered out of the country was allegedly smuggled back into the civil service and even promoted to a higher grade.

Maina is again on the run but with active suspected connivance of some government officials, thereby calling into question the seriousness of the government to fight corruption.

As if that is not bad enough, Buhari singlehandedly reinstated Usman Yusuf, the suspended executive secretary of the National Health Insurance Scheme, NHIS, on February 6. Since the news about Yusuf’s reinstatement surfaced, a lot of Nigerians have been asking what criteria the president used in recalling him back to his post having been indicted by a ministerial panel on allegations of corruption and abuse of office.

On Thursday, February 8, the workers’ union of the NHIS  showed their discontent by staging a peaceful protest against the reinstatement of Yusuf. They sang protest songs and argued that the reinstatement of the ES would thwart the investigation being carried out by EFCC on corrupt allegations against him.

But this did not seem to bother Buhari. He insisted that Yusuf should return to office, while investigation by the EFCC on his alleged corruption should continue.

It is also on record that Buhari’s attitude to corrupt allegation against some of his lieutenants may also come haunt him in future and become his major headache.

Indeed, a lot of Nigerians would recall how Nigerians have called for the prosecution of Rotimi Amaechi, the minister for transport; Babatunde Fashola, the minister of Works, Power and Housing; Abdulrahman Dambazzau, the minister of Interior, and some others who are serving the Buhari’s government that were accused of corruption. But the president has not been forthcoming in ordering for investigation against them not to talk about prosecution.

Little wonder Kola Ologbondiyan, PDP national publicity secretary, in an interview, said the president’s fight against corruption is a ruse. “Presidency stinks of corruption and has lost all claim of fighting graft, as long as it continues to protect alleged indicted officials of the administration.”

He said the reinstatement of the NHIS boss who was returned to office having been officially probed and indicted for abuse of office and fraud to the tune of N919m by a committee set up by the minister of Health was in bad taste. “Instead of allowing for the conclusion of investigation and eventual prosecution by the EFCC, the Presidency halted the process and rewarded the indicted official with a recall from suspension, even without any recourse to the supervising minister simply because Prof. Yusuf is not only of the APC but also known to be very close to the president,” he said.

Similarly, Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, a human rights lawyer based in Lagos, said in an interview, said the impression being created by the Buhari government in fighting corruption has left much to be desired. “The impression we get is that government is very soft on the members of the executive. If you recall the case of the past SGF, the allegation against the chief of Army Staff, the allegation against the chief of Staff, and when you recall the case of Maina, clearly, the impression has been created that the ruling government is soft on members of the executive, whereas the leadership of the Senate is facing trial, whereas judicial officers are facing trial. It all lends credence to the fact that the anti-corruption war is lopsided. It has different standards for different people, which should not have been the case,” Adegboruwa said.

Even in the fight against corruption, Buhari is having serious problem in getting approval for his choice of candidate to lead the EFCC. Twice Ibrahim Magu’s name was presented for the Senate confirmation as chairman of the commission, twice he was rejected. There is no doubt the development would be a blurt in the president’s record of achievement.

Irked by the stand-off between the Presidency and the National Assembly over the issue, Governor Oluwarotimi Akeredolu of Ondo State on Wednesday, March 13, pleaded with the Senate to confirm Magu as the substantive chairman of the EFCC. Akeredolu, represented by Agboola Ajayi, his deputy, made the plea in Akure, while playing host to a team from the commission’s zonal headquarters, Benin Office. He said the Senate should resolve the lingering confirmation issue for the benefit of the country. Magu has been in acting capacity as chairman of the commission for more than two years. Akeredolu said that EFCC, under the President Muhammadu Buhari’s All Progressives Congress, APC,-led government, had achieved a lot in fighting corruption more than the previous governments in the country. “To fight corruption is more difficult than the fight against Boko Haram in the northern part of the country. With the record of billions recovered by the commission in the country, it means God is with this country,” he said.

That notwithstanding, another headache of the Buhari administration is how to stop the lingering fuel crisis which seems to have defiled solution. Indeed, Buhari appears to be in a dilemma to take the necessary action that will permanently solve the fuel supply challenge which is total deregulation of the downstream sector to allow private sector take absolute control. Should deregulation happen, it means that the pump price of fuel will go up once more. This is a risk the government does not want to take having already increased the pump price of fuel from N87 to N145 per litre in 2016.

Apparently, the risk of losing an election should the masses revolt against the government because of another hike in the price of fuel must be too high and that is why Buhari as the defacto petroleum minister has failed to act decisively to arrest the situation. He has refused to take responsibility and has put the problem squarely on the shoulder of Ibe Kachikwu, minister of state for petroleum resources and Maikanti Baru, group managing director of NNPC to resolve. Both Kachikwu and Baru are not agreed on the necessary action to be taken to end the fuel crisis.

While Kachikwu has unrelentingly pushed for the real deregulation to enable major marketers start importing fuel, Baru thinks that marketers are the one sabotaging the government effort to normalise the fuel situation in the country.

Prior to January 9, when Baru made his statement, the NNPC had on Sunday, December 24, 2017, disclosed that the landing cost of fuel was N171 per litre, meaning that N145 per litre selling price is unrealistic and no marketer would want to import and sell at the regulated official price. It also means that the corporation is currently paying a subsidy of N26 per a litre of fuel.

Mathematically, the revelation from Baru means that there is a subsidy of N26 per a litre on the estimated 30 million litres consumed daily in the country. This means the corporation spends more than N700 million every day on subsidy. Critics of this arrangement are wondering how long the NNPC would continue to subsidise fuel without running into bankruptcy.

As it stands, price deregulation would be a dangerous gamble for any government in power especially the Buhari administration ahead of 2019 general elections because the price of petrol would inadvertently lead to increase in cost of living.

Again, admitting to paying subsidy would equally be a disastrous gamble for the government because the 2012 subsidy scam is still fresh in the minds of Nigerians.

Incidentally, none of the alleged culprits of the fuel subsidy scam has been brought to justice.

If Buhari has been following the news, another area of headache should be the economy. Nigerians still remember with nostalgia that during the Goodluck Jonathan government from who he took over, the exchange rate was between N170 to N190 to a dollar. Now the Naira is now exchanged for N360.

The resultant effect is many states in the nation are struggling to pay salaries to workers. Many owe workers months of payments and hunger has continued to afflict government workers who rely entirely on government salaries for their livelihood. Local government workers in many states are owed more than seven months’ salaries by their local government administrations. But this was not so in the days of Jonathan when the perceived corruption held sway.

The point was driven home recently by Ahmad Gumi, a prominent Islamic scholar, who criticised Buhari over his presence at the wedding of Fatima, daughter of Governor Abdullahi Ganduje of Kano State, and Idris, the son of Governor Abiola Ajimobi of Oyo State.

Bukola Saraki, Senate president and 22 governors were also at the elaborate wedding which took place in Kano on Saturday, March 3.

Irked by display of wealth despite the hardship in the land, Gumi said the money spent on such trip could have been used to improve the lot of the common man.

He said someone had to sell her property to be able to raise a little amount for her child’s education. “As I am talking to you now, a woman called me, she was crying, she could not afford N8,000 to pay for a room for her son who got admission at ABU (Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria),” the cleric said.

“She said she sold all her possessions to secure admission for him and she is looking for N8,000 for his accommodation. Look at our governors chartering a flight to a wedding! Whose wedding? The reason why I am saying this is because I preached against it during the previous government. I am not saying this for any political reason; I am repeating what I told people in the former administration.

“If leaders indulge in immorality and are not bothered about the people, God will not be happy with them. They are not afraid of God and nobody is preaching to them,” he said.

The Muslim cleric said the war against insurgence had not been won despite Buhari’s assurance. That should give also give the president some concern.

But listening to Abubakar Tsav, a retired commissioner of Police, who commended the president’s efforts in tackling security issues across the country, Buhari can say that he is not doing badly. Willy-nilly, the problems besieging the country from security to economy are not small matters and they should give the president some sleepless nights if, indeed, he wants Nigerians to re-elect him.

– Mar. 17, 2018 @ 4:55 GMT |

Tags: Many headaches of President Buhari