Tribute
By Ireke A Kalu Onuma
Ùgwùmba Ndigbo, GNK.
The end began on Monday January 11, 2021, evening. I had just come in from Owerri, and a call from a very unexpected person, Gen. Zamani Lekwot, came through asking after Adm. Ndubuisi Kanu. I told him I was in the village but would get back to him the next day with information. Then the next day, Elder Uma Eleazu, called and towards the end of our conversation, he informed me that he tried calling Adm. Ndubuisi Kanu, but after several attempts, the wife picked and told him that Admiral was hospitalized and that he should send a text. This brief moment, triggered the alarm bell.
Early hours of Tuesday the 13th of January, I woke up with trepidation. And, shortly after a confirmation of his death got to me.
What was my feelings like about a few minutes after that tragic news? Emptiness. Gulf. And a deep hollowness filled with silence. So? Adm. Godwin Ndubuisi Kanu (GNK) is no more. He has done his bit, sang his songs and taken his last bow.
There are person’s who like an old chair, has been a permanent fixture in our spaces like antiques of rare quality. Adm. Kanu was that and much more. He has been around so much that many don’t know his real age. He broke quite quickly and early into the public space of what was to later become Nigeria, and through the nightmare and horror that took place shortly after Nigeria came into being. He fought the war on the Biafran side and this shaped, molded and determined the focus and trajectory of his lifetime ambition and pursuits. The tremendous energy he spent pursuing his career was never detrimental to his core values. He was till the very end the first person always before a challenge, never shying away or feeling Intimidated; and he never took kindly to prevarications and subterfuge.
A lot would be said about him in the coming weeks, months and years ahead. But each bears and knows a bit of him from the perspectives of the encounters they had with him. He was solid In character, rigid in principles and unshifting In action. These were strong traits but they often worked against him in his day to day engagements . Life for him has only two sides; its either you are right or you are wrong. There were no middle roads for him. He hates corner cuttings. Compromises, were to him a dangerous place to be. As he would often say, “You either say the truth now and stand alone, or accept the middle ground today and watch the same problem resurface ahead”. The various battles I saw him engage in, either as a Private person or publicly were defined by the above ethos.
GNK, was a man’s man. A true man. He never sets you up to abandon you. He had clear visions of what he was and what he expected from each that came his way. And being a man, he was both gracious and gullible. The first, ennobled him, the second exposed him to the numerous times people and groups took advantage of him and this affected his family life so much, though he will be the last to acknowledge that.
The tenacity of his convictions, pushed him so far into the solitary regions where he almost found himself alone. In fact, the fight for the soul of Nigeria and that of àlà Igbo and Ndigbo, through various groups, most of which he either founded, co-founded or headed, were elevated in him, to such fervent height that he almost became a lone dervish, marching through the deserts and wilderness of ideas and reasons. As he would often say, “If you find yourself on the wrong road to your destination, no matter how far you’ve gone, it is only proper that you turn back, to where you started and take the right road.” Admiral turned back so many times from his wrong roads. He started many times all over again and most times alone.
In reflecting on the various aspects of his life, I keep thinking about, the many “what If’s”, in his life. The stubborn uncompromising stands he took over a busy lifetime, are publicly applauded. But being close to him as a confidant, assistant and son, exposed me to the nightmares he endured to reach those decisions. He never accepted anything on its face value. He questioned everything. Checked and rechecked the facts as it were. Even though we may have eliminated everything, and have one fact left, he still pushes himself and everyone to see if he could find a better solution to what’s available. He brooked no one Narrative for a given challenge, but saw and explored many possibilities which when taken could make a difference. That was GNK at his lonely best.
He drove himself hard. Spartan and Stoic in outlook and lifestyle. His dressing was one tone. His needs very little and much restricted. He was ascetic and often nervous around luxury and it’s appendages. At a glance he was very austere. But few got to know the man behind that mask. He was kind. Selflessly so. He sometimes gave me the impression that he often plays conscious Poker and Russian Roulette with his life and attitude. Adm. Kanu would sit with me for hours mulling over challenges that would break any man. Yet he would take a call and after listening, would drop and start fussing about the call, the person and their needs. Here he would either empty his lean pocket, to help or start calling any one he thinks of practically pushing them to a point they can’t say no to him. And he would add that it isn’t for him and would also send not his account number but the person whom he is pleading on their behalf.
He is without a doubt the most observant, attentive passionate and knowledgeable man on the Igbo Struggle I have met. Compassionate and humble, he represents the kind of man every single Igbo person wish to be leading the advance guard. Being a passionate and an unapologetic Ònye Igbo, made any debate or discussion with him regarding Ndigbo today or the history, actualities and technicalities of the Civil War a long intertwining epic through time which could almost deluge or bore you. These are the moments I will never forget. Unfathomable to most, a photographic memory is something that only those that have it will ever understand and I strongly believe that GNK is one such person blessed with one!
I worked with GNK since arriving at Ndigbo Lagos, almost two decades ago, and I can only describe it as a life changing experience. Having had little, to no knowledge of the conflicts, contradictions and substance of Ndigbo in Lagos, nor much previous organizing experience of Ndigbo in a large scale, I came to Lagos keen and willing to learn as much as possible about this unique yet highly misunderstood people at very close range. It initially was difficult being one of the least experienced Lagosian Igbo but quickly found my feet, put my head in the Streets, meetings and books and tried to study the vast array of people, persons, groups, cliques and power blocs situated in my immediate community and across the state. It was however not until I started working closely with him, doing late nights and pairing up closely with GNK as a major player, boss, confidant and father that my knowledge and appreciation of Ndigbo and Nigeria grew exponentially.
Ndubuisi Kanu, through his patience and knowledge sharing abilities has enabled my progress to where I am today. Since our first drive together, in Abuja during the Oputa panel nocturnal meetings, we were able to form a strong and cohesive bond, one that strengthened over time and metamorphosed into the friendship and relationship that we had till he passed on. Trust, loyalty and respect are his watchwords and was what governed our relationship right to the very end and it is that unbreakable partnership formed and cemented during the struggle against OBJ’s third term bid and the salvation of Ohaneze from the grip of forces outside Ndigbo, that enabled us to work so well together.
Those of us that were opportune to know him up-close and personal have been fortunate enough to witness some incredible mind at work. His interactions with one or more people, together with his bead like form of talking, is an experience to cherish every day. I have had opportunities to analyze differing Igbo circumstances in Nigeria and amongst Igbo communities with him, also been privileged enough to follow the growth of historical evidence he amassed and the dynamic lives of numerous political leaders who have come to consult him; as well as share with each other our life stories and contrasting backgrounds. These were deep special spiritual moments, teachable moments and above all enduring moments.
GNK gave me invaluable lessons in leadership, companionship and compassion. He helped me set up countless engaging meetings and watched out for the outcomes of each with determined patience. We’ve had a few edgy encounters with each other and with the bigger problem of Igbo unity, focus and values, and I’ve been amazed by his incredible ability to negotiate through each without any qualms.
His tangible presence will forever live with me. His extraordinary knowledge of the world of Ndigbo and reverence for God are things that need to be cherished and passed on through future generations.
I am sure that Ndi-Igbo and Nigerians that have previously worked and interacted with GNK will express a similar sentiment and respect for what he has done as well as any guests to his house or office, that have had the privilege of interacting with him.
Admiral enjoyed life and he enjoyed people. He had an interesting hobby of collecting model ships, and odd things and pieces you would not know what they were. These were scattered all over his office, yet they all have a history which he loves to tell. He also was a huge tennis enthusiast and enjoyed playing almost every Saturday and he was as competitive in this as he was in everything he engages in.
After he “retired,” from the Navy, he was, in his own words, only then beginning life. He found with some others the Ragnk shipping company, a company that had very promising future if not for a combination of events; the downturn of our economy and the overall worldwide depression. Had he been a business man in the strict sense of the word, he would have done extremely better, but he barely could separate his humanness, charity and philanthropic kindness from the often strict codes and responsibilities of running a company. Good character to those on the outside but very much unacceptable in building a functional successful business.
He very much enjoyed being independent, proud and principled and when his business started getting some knocks, due mainly to the bad policies and procedures of the government and its functionaries, he refused to ask for help or beg for a reprieve. He had a lot of men in positions of power that could have helped with a phone call. Many of them, making the proposals to help directly to him, yet he refused, and believing somehow, ignorantly though, that the Courts of the very system he had lived most of his life fighting to change for good, will somehow come good for him overnight. That was the naivety which almost all great souls are cursed with.
He put up with a lot of pain and rejection in his later years that he, always true to his nature, offered up no explanation or bore any malice. He endured a lot of losses most of them avoidable. In all he stood tall, proud and great to the end. We all are better people for having known Ndubuisi Kanu, for him touching our lives, for leading by understated example.
In saying farewell, I would above all say thank you Ùgwùmba for the blessing that you were to me. Thanks for your life of integrity, for your giving, for your wonderful touching relationship and conversations (even though you would often drag on and on, without noticing the changing moods of your listeners), for your acts of incredible kindness, and for your sense of humour. You were a great man, a prophet and soldier, and a father to me and friend to all. You will be greatly missed. We take comfort from knowing that what you stood for, fought for and lived for we your disciples, friends and acquaintances will go on standing, fighting and living for till we fully realize it.
I love you Admiral and will always be grateful for having been blessed to know you.
In closing a quick hymn prayer that was one of Admirals favourites:
Jesus, my Lord, my God, my all,
Hear me, blest Saviour, when I call;
Hear me, and from thy dwelling place
Pour down the riches of thy grace.
Refrain:
Jesus, my Lord, I thee adore;
O make me love thee more and more.
2 Jesus, too late I thee have sought;
How can I love thee as I ought?
And how extol thy matchless fame,
The glorious beauty of thy name?
3 Jesus, what didst thou find in me
That thou hast dealt so lovingly?
How great the joy that thou hast brought,
So far exceeding hope or thought!
4 Jesus, of thee shall be my song;
To thee my heart and soul belong;
All that I have or am is thine,
And thou, blest Savior, thou art mine. [Refrain]
**Ireke A Kalu Onuma wrote from Agbeze’s Family Estate Abiriba, Abia State
At the end of this Tribute is a speech, I worked on with Admiral, which was delivered in 2003 at the War Museum, in Umuahia, that I consider the perfect distillation of his creed, philosophy and World view. Not much has changed since the delivery)
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Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen,
Let me first thank you all for the honor of the invitation to Chair this occasion. Let me also say that it is significant that your important Press week is taking place in a historic venue, the Umuahia War Museum. A museum, to my mind, is a place both for historic preservation and rumination, as well as a place for learning from the past towards tackling the present and projecting socio-political situation in the country. It needs no reminding that a “Nigerian Civil War” or a “Nigeria – Biafra War” was fought. What needs reminding is that the very cause for which the war was fought – the struggle for Justice, Equity and fairplay – has remained with us. The country needs to be reminded that it is too foolhardy, and indeed destructive, not to learn the lessons of the war, of any war. And no matter how we may sweep it under the carpet on account of political, sectional or individual expediencies, the very fabric of our country would remain unstable unless we accept the lessons.
Gentlemen of the Press, members of the Abia Chapter of the NUJ, before I proceed further with this paper, I would be making a lot of quotations which I would identify the source at the appropriate time. “Most Nigerians don’t mind dirt, if there is a good carpet to sweep it under”, (African Guardian, June 19, 1986, pg 3). “If I build a house on a particular site three (3) soil test and find out what the trouble is …. He believes that if the Federal structure is weakened, “the rush for the center will diminish, the political structure will diminish and we will have good politics and new lease of life. “What is better”, he asks: “to know that after sometimes someone from any state will rule Nigeria or to live forever with the disturbing ethnic group?” “And as expected, the current political debate has seen quite a Nigeria such demands usually come at periods of intense fear about ethnic domination”, (Chief Nzeribe and the African Guardian, June 19, 1986, pg 21).
“The Military Governor articulates a vision of the good – society that is less than collective because he is not equipped with the democratic structure that permits the collective definition of the good-society. He therefore resorts to a definition, a narrow definition that his narrow vision, unenriched by collective wisdom permits. But there is nothing wrong about a leader defining his own vision of the good-society, for leaders are visionary men, dreamers who have ability to translate their dreams to reality for the benefit of the crowd. However, no leader can claim the power of omniscience for that choices, and making choices between alternatives is providing wider segments of the society, then the product of such voice or military leaders who incidentally see dissent as antithetical, rather than beneficial, to good government and t o peace and basic aim is to restrict the Army to their primary assignment of social justice and democracy” (Ibrahim Babangida, Newswatch, January 27, 1992 pg 20).
“ So certain are the Nigerian Minorities Commission that the creation of new Region is no answer to the fears of Nigeria’s Minorities that there recently released report does not inquire any detail whether any new Region would be viable” (West Africa, August 23, 1958, as quoted in West Africa, August 22, 1983). “The Nigerian Press is the worst hit when it comes to criticism. They come from official and private quarters. Some papers are accused of being feudalistic, partisan, nonsensical, commercial, tribal, praise-singers, etc”.
“Whilst some are accused of publishing second-hand fit”. “Some Nigerian journalists are said to be deaf. They are called pant-washers and peeping Toms. Some have been bundled into prison cells. The ordeal they went through is better experienced that told” (Times International, vol. 4 No. 40, June/July 1983 pg 37). “There was reported violence throughout Nigeria last week following the results of the governorship elections held on Saturday, August 13. In Plateau State, a dusk-to dawn curfew was imposed following political tension generated by the “false and unauthorized announcement of the election result in the state. A statement from the State Police Command had warned people in the area to stay in doors until further notice and threatened to deal with “those who tried to take the law into their own hands.” Demonstrations, processions and rallies were also banned in Anambra, Bendel and Oyo State. In Anambra, the ban was extended for six days, four day in Bendel while in Oyo State the ban was extended for 15 days. According to the Police Commissioners in the three States, the measure was to ensure peace and public order. In various electoral offences during the gubernatorial election. The Deputy Commissioner of Police in charge of operations in the state, Mr. Jacob Gornu Songogiyeh, said 32 of the arrested people, who were below 18 years, had been apprehended while attempting to vote.
“Reports reaching West Africa from the Borno capital of Maiduguri said that two policemen were arrested in the Potesin local government area in connection with the deaths of two people at the polling center. The accident was said to have occurred during a misunderstanding between agents of various political parties at the counting center. In the quelling of the disturbances, there was reportedly an accidental discharge of bullets from a constable’s rifle, which resulted in the deaths of the two people. The state commissioner of police, Alhaji Tahiru Juddah, confirmed the deaths as “accidental and not predetermined”. In another development in the same state, FEDECO had denied allegations by the GNPP that it had won the state gubernatorial elections. Supporters of the GNPP had taken to the streets at about 11 pm on Sunday, August 14, celebrating and chanting party slogans, announcing that their party had won the election. Mobile Police using tear gas dispersed them. Thirteen people were also arrested in Maiduguri for various electoral offences, according to state police commissioner, Alhaji Tahiru Juddah.
“In Niger State, one person was shot dead on August 13 in Rigel following acts of thuggery, according to State Police Commissioner, Alhaji Rahim Lalaye. He said that more than 10 juveniles, from 7 to 10 years old, had been arrested for election malpractices. In Ogun State, the Police Command had warned against the staging of any public festival during the elections while Ibadan, the capital of Oyo State, is now calm following several days of rioting and roadblocks. In the meantime, the curfew imposed in the town is still in force (West Africa, 22 August, 1983 pg 1975). “As the count down to the 1983 general elections begins, the wave of political violence or thuggery in Nigeria has been on the increase. Cutlasses, broken bottles, dagger, bows and arrows were the weapons used. Two party supporters lost their lives while several vehicles were damaged. However, the most dramatic aspect of political thuggery, the Hollywood style, occurred when three (3) top officials were gunned down by assassins.” “By killing, you cannot form a government and if you form one, you cannot run that government.”
“At the end of their meeting, it was agreed that the parties should meet constantly with traditional rulers. The Police Commissioners urged party faithful not to attack personalities but issues. In the bid to ensure peace, night parties and rituals were banned. All said and done, how can political violence be nipped in the bud in the interest of free and fair election?” The Secretary suggested the strengthening of the Police Force and possibly the use if soldiers in order to ensure free and fair elections. Views of other political parties seem to be the same, because they are all anxious for the election to be free and fair. The incessant wave of political violence would affect the elections: violence would scare away prospective voters. He attributed the increasing wave of political thuggery to some parties who knew they cannot win the elections hence they tend to resort to violence.
“There is need to call all party leaders’ meeting and discuss the issue thoroughly because all of them are aspiring to hold a stable nation, and not an unstable nation if they win. It is unfortunate. He blamed the electorate who stuck their
necks out while their leaders’ necks are in. He says the Police refused to take action in some cases and prefer to refer all matters to the Inspector General. This should not be the case.” Most governments, Nigeria inclusive, put much emphasis on a selfish role of creating public opinions favorable to their own achievements, aims, aspirations, policies and values. The fact that the government owns papers like individuals is another problem. If the government feels it can take care of all the media houses, it should go ahead and be the sole disseminator of news in the country. On the other hand it feels contrary, then it should take its hands off the papers it now controls. Its tenacious cling to some papers creates social problems for the editors who do not want to be praise-singers. The situation is such that, with each successive regime a new editor is appointed.
“The problems confronting the Nigerian press are enormous indeed. Some of them are self-created, others are unavoidable. Let’s be objective when criticizing the press. The pressmen should also understand that in a new state like Nigeria, among other things they should focus on nation building, digestible information, education, mobilization and entertainment. The national papers should cut across a variety of structural levels such as ethnic groups, social classes, ideologies, religion and geographical regions. They should focus on national symbols instead of local ones. The press should perform a watchdog function. The pressmen should get this clear. No society can have a free press unless it is itself free. It does not exist in the sense defined by hocking anywhere in the world. The press has no independent existence of its own. It cannot be isolated from the other institutions in a society. It is like the legislature, executive, political parties, civil service and the army. This does not imply that journalists have to be anybody’s keeping Tomas or pant-washers. According to Olav Stokke “The journalist who is concerned only with his job is too easily suborned: he becomes a time server and lackey of the ruling class of the day … he is corruptible … What we should look for and encourage are journalists who, in all societies and at all times, have dared to challenge their own establishments if they sought to create a wholly service press” (Times International, June 27, 1983 pg 37 and 38).
“In conclusion, it is necessary to appreciate that as a result of the present global economic recession, and consequently drastically depleted revenue from oil, the government has had to abandon some vital projects. It is hoped that the appropriate starting point of the in-coming administration is the continuation of the laudable projects envisaged in the plan. The Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) and Petro-Chemical complexes that will ensure rapid industrialization readily come to mind. These will surely help to reduce the number of unemployed Nigerians who are more than 15% of the working population. With the accomplishment of all the projected ventures, Nigerians will proudly look forward at the end of the period to a nation where “life more abundant” is not mere political promise but a reality. The harsh experiences of the austerity measures would become history (Times International, October 24, 2983 pg 18). The contempt with which we regard the intellectuals in our society explains why a semi-illiterate versus a successful is appointed to the Council of the University to oversee the work of outstanding scholars. “A donkey”, Dr. Okadigbo contends, “may win prices every year for twenty (20) years for being the best load carrier. You do not on that account promote it to a ‘horse’.”
Distinguished Ladies & and Gentlemen. All above have been quotations or extracts. What I have done is to flip through a sampling of our press publications of yesteryears, though not far-away-and-long-ago, on our body politic. I had flipped through a sampling of my private museum of our publications. It has been long, time is at a premium; even so, I seek your kind indulgence to quote some more.
CONSTITUTION, CONSTITUENT ASEEMBLY & NCCC & CCEC
“The history of Constitution-making in this nation never received an open-minded approach by the government of the day. We will take what happened in 2979 as an example and see how both the work of the CDC and the work of the CA were treated. We know as a fact that unilaterally, a pencil was run through so many things that were done. When you take the work of the CRC that we are about to consider, you will realize, especially during the proceedings, that these people had tremendous amount of difficulty. While they had a blanket kind of liberty, and while they had freedom even to probe into new areas, Mr. President emphasized certain areas and some of the, or all of them, belonging to this paragraph 13 in such a manner that Members of the CRC had a problem. Many of them were inhibited and many of them were misled. If you read the proceedings, it is very interesting.
We are here yet again. One thing that was said there which I think is important for us all here is that, they said that the Constituent Assembly Members were to come. They would be the elected people and maybe they would have something to do about it. So, they did some little bit of it and left so much work for us. When you come and suddenly you get the impression that there are certain areas that you cannot touch, you begin to wonder the sincerity and the bare-mindedness of the government. So, I am saying that, ironically, all of us here do not seem to have (that would be my interpretation) that freedom, call it fundamental human freedom, to discuss freely here. We are restricted, by my own interpretation, to certain areas. When you see just the same fruitless debates you become frightened. I want to make inferences to that document many parts of which speak about the fact that Constitution-making is a political process. If we take that seriously as the document itself said, then it must be subjected to a political interplay. If that is kind of liberty to discuss and debate all issues frankly with commitment and with dedication to a common purpose. We need that. I do not know what is going to happen. Many people are implying that we have already got that liberty. I do not see it so clearly. I have a problem seeing that liberty. But I am saying that if we are going to work out or fashion out a document that we can live with, a document that on-coming generations will live with, a document that can withstand the test of time, then we need liberty to come by a consensus. We need that liberty, and that should be very clear. I hate to believe that after I shall have spent six months, nine months or a year here, trying to make genuine contributions to a document that should be a living document, somebody or a group of persons will sit down literally and cancel whatever they want (Rev. Fr. Moses Orisho Adasu (Vandeikya West) 20 June, 1988). Proceeding of the Constituent Assembly, Official Report, Vol. 6.
Mr. Chukwu (Nkanu): “Mr. Chairman referred us to paragraph 13 where he (President) said: Your job is to improve on these agreed political issues and not to change them. MY question is this. Who agreed on these issues? Where were they agreed upon and when? Mr. President, equally contradicted himself. In paragraph 11 he said: It is debatable if Nigeria has successfully resolved the issue of federalism. But in paragraph 13, he said it is one of the agreed ingredients. What a contradiction? (Applause). Pg 252.
Abba Dabo (Dembatta): “a Constitution of a limited discussion would serve as an ammunition for unscrupulous soldiers who could latter say that the Constituent Assembly did not in fact consider all issues. Therefore it can be used as an excuse to suspend the Constitution we are here to frame” (Prophetic?)
The Military: “Mr. President did talk about transitional period and the provisions to appear in the next Constitution. I would want to caution this assembly that military regime in itself is not the ideal thing for this country. In making reference or trying to provide these provisions, we must be very careful not to legitimize military interventions. To me, the worst of civilian regime is better than the best military regime. (Applause). I do not believe that if one goes by the records of most of these military interventions, there is much to speak in their favor. Initially, yes, but after sometime, they exhibit the same ills for which the civilian regimes were being overthrown.” (Applause). (Page 230, Vol. 6: Musa D. Mohammed, (Minna South).
Indigene: “It is a common knowledge to all of us here that these categories of Nigerians are being discriminated against. (Applause). They have gone to those State and they have given all their minds, all their strength to serve those States. They have even made these States the States they would like to live in and if they die, they would want to be buried there. Yet, these states do not give their children education; yet, in these states, if they go to the hospitals, they have to pay more fees for their children and themselves than those who are indigenes of that particular State. So, Mr. Chairman, the point I am making here is that in our efforts here, let us make it a point of duty to produce a document that no matter where we find ourselves, we would be able to feel that we are Nigerians. We would be entitles to equal amenities like any other person in that particular State because at the end of the day, we will feel that we are serving this country (page 231, Vol. 6: Musa D. Mohammed).
The Press and Government Ownership: “I wish to suggest that this honorable Assembly recommends strongly and, in fact, put a provision in the Constitution that the various governments hands-off the ownership of print media in this country…. The print media should go back to private ownership. In that way, issues like the one of this morning, when we handle it the way we are going to, will ensure some proper discipline and respect for constituted authority.” (Dr. E.C.A. Njoku: (Owerri South), pg 235, Vol. 6).
Local Governments, Science & Technology Policy, Political Manifestoes, ‘May the Almighty God in his wisdom go guide your deliberations that you may come to achieve the distinction of being our last and final experience in Constitution-making.” (Babangida, May/June 1988).
Extremism: The Legislature, Ministers, Commissioners, Recall. Creation of State, Health Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy, Offshore and On-shore oil problems; desert encroachment. Traditional Rulers.
Extremism: “The way the word extremism was used by Mr. President seems to be in a sort of bad connotation, that is, to be an extremist is to be bad, to be unpatriotic or to be something. It is portrayed in bad light…. I hold the view that the word extremism is not necessarily negative. There are things that perhaps any man of his honor ought to be an extremist about … ON the other hand, from the mode of the President’s speech, moderation seems to be the moderate provisions that this August Assembly should aim at. There are issues on which we will have to take a very firm stand, a very principled stand. In my opinion…. If we allow those issues to be guided by a kind of moderate opinion, we may end up with something that is not the best for this country…. May I give a very ridiculous example. If you caught a man and accuse him of stealing N100.00, what I would expect the man to do is either to accept your charge that he had stolen that money or to deny that he stole a kobo. The moment he says he only stole N50.00 in order to be moderate, in that situation … moderation is not a virtue. It is certainly in that sense a vice.” (Saidu Ahmad Babura (Babura) pg 249, Vol. 6).
Minister for and Minister of; leadership, Police, Military interventions and coups; Diarchy, Environmental protection, Senatorial Districts; Federal Constituencies, National Cake, National Debate, Consolidated Revenue Fund, Central Bank of Nigeria, Federal List, State and Regional List, Residual Power, Zoning, Minorities, Judicature, Public Service, LGA, Tribunals (all types), Citizenship, Fundamental Human Rights, FCT, National Assembly, etc, etc.
Accountability. P. C. Odili (Ahoada): “I believe that if public office holders are compelled to declare their assets before they assume office and this declaration is made public, the entire country will be free to challenge and contest any aspect of the declaration. (Applause). We would then be in a position to find skeletons to hide. Then, we would then be in a position to find people coming forward for public office, people who have no skeletons to hide. Then, we would be in a position to enthrone a kind of leadership that would be exemplary in function, a kind of leadership that would ensure that there is discipline in public office and that there is absence of abuse of office. “(No. 8, 22 June 1988, pg 329).
Sambo Junaid (Sokoto): “I want to talk on the Code of Conduct Bureau. Much as I appreciate the creation of the Code of Conduct Bureau, I would like the Military to declare their assets as they are handing over power to civilians so as to give example to everyone. We live by giving examples. So, I hope the Military from top to bottom should declare their assets before handing over power to civilians.” (Applause). (o. 8, 22 June 1988, pg 331).
N.O. Okuwa (Abak): “you will see that the only option left for this honorable House is to recommend Para-military training for all adults in this country. And not only so, the NYSC should be allowed to train in such a way that they can carry guns so that, in the event that the Military just want to take over power for the sake of it, this NYSC or the adult Nigerians would be able to say, look, enough is enough. (No. 8, pg 334).
Justifiability: E.E. Okpiabhele (Agbazilio): “I also want something about justifiability. I feel that provisions should be made in the Constitution to make it possible for citizen who have been wronged by the Government or organs of the Government to bring to book the Government or its organs or functionaries”. (No. 8, June 22, 1988 pg 335), (June 12 Annulment!!).
G.F. Abdulazeez (Okehi/Adari): “While I acclaim the President’s speech as very exciting, I have, in the quiet of my room and in my Constituency, described the speech as brilliant but unfortunate. (Applause). Here we have a charismatic leader who came to power preaching human rights and democracy. The same leader in his speech to an elected Assembly meant to frame the Constitution for this country sought to suggest that there is a limit to what the assembly can discuss and what it ought to avoid. I would have thought that the President who came to power in a largely illiterate society, preaching human rights, would go all the way down to allow the few educated ones in the largely illiterate society to at least be their brother’s keepers.” (No. 8, June 22 1988, pg 350).
Federalism: A.S.N. Egbo (Aniocha): I believe the main issue in Nigeria politics in the last 25 years has been the role of the Military. I say so with all sense of responsibility having passed through, as some of you may know, the corridor of power myself. The presence of the Military and the administration of the Military of the country had invariably stunted the growth of our democratic institution. By that I mean our Federalism has not developed; it has remained stunted the growth of our democratic institution. By that I mean our Federalism has not developed; it has remained stunned; it is still in its infancy. I say this because out of the 28 years since we became Independent, the Military had ruled for about 20 years, and indeed it is a contradiction in terms to talk of Federal Military Government. The type of Military organization we have in Nigeria cannot be Federal, it is unitary government. (No. 8, June 22 1988, pg 355).
Rotational Presidency: A.S.N. Egbo: “I associated myself with those who say that we should have rotational presidency. We used the word rotational for want of a better word. But I believe the intension of those who so say is to ensure that high office moves around the country in agreed geographical spread and also to ensure Federal character.”
Ahmed Joda (Nominated): “… we have not been operating a federation in this country since 1966. We have not, even after the interruption by the civilian government between 1979 and 1983. This is because between 1979 and 1983,we continued to operate virtually a Military style where the State Governments had been dependent, to a large extent, for everything they had to do, on the Federal Government. They remained to be favored or disfavored by the government in power in Lagos” (now Abuja).
Chief M. Ibru (nominated): President’s “speech is titled The March To a Viable Political Order. The word march is significant. Soldiers seem to have some difficult y in getting away from certain words and the word march has been used in this instance.” (No. 8, June 22, 1988, pg 358). And on pg 359, Ibru states: Ministers who have been nominated or appointed by the President have the general idea that they represent various States of Nigeria. Notwithstanding this arrangement, there are complaints from majority sectors and minority sectors of the community that their interests are nit being fully represented when the President takes certain decisions on major policies. A President with Ministers sitting around him does not seem to satisfy the demands or the expectations of certain sectors of the community. Therefore, what we should do, in my view, is to seek to adopt a constitutional arrangement, which broadens the base of executive decision-making, while retaining the key attributes of an executive presidency. To do that, there is the need then to divide the country into zones – three, four or six zones. Those zones will each represent a Vice-President. These Vice-Presidents together with the President will form a superior inner cabinet and they would be the ones to take decision on very high State policy matters. (Applause). The advantage of this is that it provides a reasonable measure of participatory government and minimizes the possibility of any sense of alienation of any part of the country. It will also enhance democratic government and finally it will improve the chances of just and equitable distribution of national resources.” (June 22, 1988, pg 360).
Religion: Ahmed Joda: “… we may or may not like it but I think, perhaps, the ultimate solution would be to leave everyone to practice his religion and forbid any government from taking part in any religious activities.” S.O. Maha (Bassa/Dekina): “There is a saying that a serious ailment requires a drastic remedy. We cannot shy away from the issue of religion. It is a very division issue and it has taken an ugly turn in our body politic in this country. What I want to do is proffer a solution to the religious problems and turbulence in this country. The only way that we can have religious harmony in this country is for government to completely hand-off religion. I want to give an example of government interference in religious affairs in this nation. For example, from the Editorial Suite, pg 6, paragraph 2, News watch Magazine of March 30th, 1987 which ….to quote says: Ealier last year, words went out that the federal government had secretly sent representatives to Fez, Morocco where Nigeria was admitted as the 46th Member of the OIC contrary to the secular provision in the Constitution and contrary to the secular provision in the Constitution and contrary to the 17 year old practice of sending merely observers to the Conference. The admission of Nigeria into OIC generated a lot of dust and even polarized the country along religious lines …. If there is to be religious harmony in this country, the government must not only hand-off religion but it must be seen to have done so. “ (Applause).
Education: A. Joda: “…. In the last few years, we have witnessed some of our essential services like education and health collapse. The part of this country where I come from” (N.B he is from Gongola), “hardly has a hospital with facilities to treat any sickness. As far as our educational institutions are concerned, it seems to me sometimes, as I drive around, that there might have been a civil war in which school buildings had been selectively destroyed. Four or five years have seen these things develop and no one has taken any action to remedy the situation. I think the children of this country are entitled to go to school, and to go to hospital and get educated and get treatment …” (22 June 1988, pp. 368-369).
Power, Corruption, Federalism: Ayuba J. Wudiri (Gombi): “Another area which my attention has been drawn to in the President’s speech is still on corruption which has assumed extreme proportion in this country. There is a feeling that some people in this country have to rule for ever, that some are borne to rule and that they die ruling, that some are borne to serve and that they have to die as servants. The people of my Constituency are saying that that is not acceptable. Nigeria belongs to all of us and as Nigerians, we must learn to live together and work together because without tolerance, the 1914 Amalgamation will become a ruse. There is need for us to re-amalgamate the amalgam, which will leave room for fairness, for social justice and for equality of all citizens. We are saying that this country belongs to all of us and no one group or section has the right to rule forever. Democracy is what we want and our people are advocating for democracy.” (June 23, 1988 No. 9, pg 384). He continues: “I submit that the time has come when we must change the concept that we are one, whereas we are not one. When you want something you say there must be the North and there must be the East, but when you get that thing you say, who are the Easterners, who are the Northerners. We are saying equal opportunity.” Ealier on had stated: “… on religion, I believe that the problem with this country on religion is not because we do not have God, but because we do not believe in the true God. Going by the structures that we have, the churches and the mosques and the number that go on pilgrimage each year, you will think that Nigeria must be close to heaven. You will think that our problems will be solved, but far from it because we have not acknowledged the true God …. We say that we are serving God, that we have our own religion, but we do not do the right thing before God. That is deceit before man and God and we stand condemned.”
Police: Ambassador Yusuf Sada (Kaita): “… I am of the opinion that, perhaps, we may have to think seriously of reverting to the old order of forming either the Local Government Police or the State Police to enable them work effectively to help the people. This is because without the knowledge of the locality, knowledge of the people or their language, it is often very difficult to be of assistance to and even reach the people.
State (Regional/Zonal?) Constitution: Alhaji Usman Alhaji (Gaya North): “Earlier on, an Honorable Member, I think from Benue spoke about making individual State Constitution. I agree with that Hon. Member but I would say that we should make them and put them together and come out with one Constitution instead of state Constitutions per se. … The Golden Eaglets who went out to campaigning for honors for Nigeria was a team for Nigeria. They were people from Kano, Enugu, Ibadan, in fact every part of this country that formed that team – the Golden Eaglets. Everybody in Nigeria stayed up late that night to see how Nigeria was going to fight for a place of honor. I am saying that this is what our Constitution should be – a reflection of Nigeria, a reflection of the various values and cultures of the people of this country. Anything less than that will not be acceptable. (Applause). If it is not acceptable it is not a Constitution for the people of Nigeria. … So, I am saying that we have to make a Constitution in this country that will make people of this country regardless of where they come from, have a sense of belonging to the constitution, and accept it as a document that really belongs to them… We are tired of leadership that says one thing and does another. We need a leadership that will bring unity to this country… I remember when the able General Murtala died, Nigerians on that day forgot where they came from. We all got together and mourned his death. That is the symbol of leadership. So we need leadership that will make us have a sense of belonging and a sense of direction.”
Nominated Membership: L.B. Adeleye (Ekiti Central): “The first observation I want to make about the Comments of Members is the fact that there is a slight difference between the contributions of elected and nominated Members. The Comments of nominated Members titled towards praising the President. Maybe, Dodan Barracks is their constituency. But some of us who are elected have an arduous task before us due to the avalanche of problems we faced immediately we went to the first recess.” (June 23, 1988, pg 398 No. 9).
Alhaji U.D. Bagudu (Nassarawa): “… I feel that not all of us in this country have been enjoying what Mr. President has been preaching about all along – human rights. … Why do we not enshrine in our Constitution the right of every Nigerian to carry arms …? … When late Gen. Murtala enacted the Decree creating the FCT, he said that the Territory belongs to all Nigerians …. But today things are different …. Let every Nigerians be an indigene of the FCT.” (Applause), (June 23, 1988 pg 414-415 No. 9).
Abubakar Mustapha (Makarfi): “… political stability … political immorality exists and political sycophancy abounds … I mean so long as the rules of the game are not adhere to, elections will be rigged, census will not be conducted honestly and faithfully, we cannot enact an acceptable revenue allocation formula, our rulers are always right, we would not have the guts to tell them when they are overthrown…. The social-economic gap is widening…. and hardly can Nigerians afford three square meals a day. Side by side with this, you will find affluence. We must facilitate peaceful change in order to avoid inevitable change!! (Applause). (June 23, 1988 pg 418-419!!, No. 9). And Bass Gida Mustapha (Yola): “… the citizens of this country are the ones that have always provided legitimacy to military regimes … Tomorrow, if there should be a change of Government in this country, I can assure you that we would not have a quorum … All of us would be rushing back to our Constituencies to lobby for one post of the other.” (Applause).
- M. Madugu (Barkin-Ladi): “Out of the 22 years, the military have ruled for almost 18 years. This time around when they are supposed to give us another opportunity to try again, they want to come out with a new political arrangement, which stipulates that they must be part of it. They want to supervise us. Since 18 years who has been supervising them? Nobody. (Applause). If it is democracy, democracy has nothing to do with anybody with the gun and what have you. You should leave the people who have the mandate to deliver the goods … if they want to give us the government, let them hand it over to us. Any issue of anybody supervising, is very unwelcome to Nigerians. I think whether we are allowed to buy guns or not, time will come when we will use even our arrows and bows against them. After all, they are not as many as other Nigerians… Anything short of handing over power to the civilians a hundred percent is unwelcome. If there is anything like disengagement, they should start if from this year. When we finish drawing up the Constitution, they should hand over power to us.”(June 23, 1988 pg 421 NO. 9).
A.H. Yadudu (Nominated): “I will address one final issue. This is the issue of Mr. President inviting us to entrench transitional provisions for the Army to gradually disengage itself, using the provisions for the Army to gradually disengage itself, using the Constitutions in a piecemeal manner. I feel that we should not do that for the simple reason that we cannot legitimize a Military regime. (Applause). I have a feeling that they can perfectly take care of their mess, if I am allowed to use the word. The government that exists today exists at their pleasure. They can come up with a Decree to take care of their disengagement. The Constitution we would approve would be brought into being by a Decree. They can use the same Decree to pick and choose which of the sections of the Constitution they want to operate tomorrow, the next day and finally in 1992!! (June 23, 1988 pg 425 No. 9).
On that note of the “Mess”, Ladies and Gentlemen, let me part with the quotations so far. However, I have quoted copiously, very long infact, from documents of yesteryears: from the press and from official reports of proceedings. The irony of it all is that they read, so to speak, like TODAY!!!
As I write, I find that time will not be in my favor at this occasion. I have already consumed so much of your time and your patience, which I have perforce to hurry. Please indulge me just a while longer: I shall hurry, I hope, over some points or issues. You can garner from the press quotes and a far section of that of the Proceedings that we even had problems under (so-called) civilian interregnum that we did have. Son does that mean that we continue with the Military or that we have a Diarchy? My answer is ‘No’!.
JUSTICE, FEDERALISM, UNIT
So long as we do not have proper Federalism, so long shall we remain in the woods as a country. So long as we do not get and have justice, so long shall we remain shortchanged in an ever-changing world. So long as we think we can enforce Unity so long shall we be courting disaster. As we aptly stated by A.S.N. Egbo, we should not really be talking of Federal Military Government; it should instead be Unitary Military Government. It has even now been taken to such ridiculous level whereby Abuja has to determine who represents a people (or is it represents the Abuja group) in a Local Government (Caretaker (or Undertaker) Committee)! Hence the widespread anomalies.
More seriously, the Matter of the NCCC (Nigeria Na Isi Isi) should be visited. You will see from the Report of Proceedings, that all issues relevant to the Constitution of the Nigerian polity had been addressed by the Constituent Assembly in 1988. We therefore got the 19989 Constitution. So what is wrong? Firstly, when Babangida and his cronies were pleading for “visionary leader”, and the inclusion of his Transitional Provisions in Nigeria’s Constitution, he was already laying the foundation for himself. When that later failed, the Annulment came. It was the case for the “Step-aside tirade”. When that failed, ING and Most-senior Ministers came. Let me now quote Chief Simeon Adebo, Sunday Times, May 1, 1994, pg 17:
“On the first point, I do not agree that a constitutional conference is necessary. I do not think it is necessary. Why, because constitutions are made to be reviewed from top to bottom every five years or so. In point of fact, the last Constitution (the 1989 Constitution) that we had, has never been put into force because it was not just imposed upon people, it was a result of a long deliberation in Abuja which consumed a lot of public funds and it is scandalous in my view that we should now abandon it without having tried it out.
I am not saying that it was a perfect constitution but I do not think that anytime I or you or anybody else feels that the Constitution has a weakness, we ought to convene a Constitutional Conference … we do not seem to have sufficient respect for Constitution. Constitutions are not ordinary laws, just to be thrown out or amended at the whim of any group of people …. Raised a number of fundamental questions which ought to be pursued not by empanelling another constitutional conference, but by having a National Conference which would consider those things separately and take plenty of time to consider them and then make proposals which might be referred to a referendum and if their proposals are agreed upon then, they should consider what amendments to make to the existing Constitution. “Unquote. I will not be saying much different.
I find the NCCC Decree and recent pronouncements talk about individuals canvassing/campaigning as individuals. Please tell me, if the NCCC must hold, are we looking for individual views? A National or Constitutional Conference will be deliberating on the views and positions of the constituent sections of the country/federation. Let us take the Middle-Belters. What will the candidate or candidates from Middle-Belt go to tell Middle Belters in a Campaign? Is it that he is the best son to go to Abuja Sheraton or NICON or NCCC Village? One would have thought that it is a question of the Middle Belters meeting to decide what they want conveyed and selecting (even by election, but certainly not through individual campaign) who should present their position. This way too any talk of ban for groups’ meetings is compromising if not vitiating ‘ab initio’ the objectives of the Conference.
Ebere Osieke (Okigwe South) speaking at the 1988 Constituent Assembly stated: “One has to make it clear that it is an accepted principle of Constitutional law that a Constituent Assembly derives its powers from the people. Majority of the people here were elected by the people and the Constituent Assembly, therefore derives its powers from the people; the position of nominated Members notwithstanding.” J.M.Amoda had added: “… the no-go area will produce a no-go Constitution…” Ita-Toyo (Oron iii) had stated:”… the AFRC cannot be more powerful than 100 million people of this country. (Applause). These 100 million people have sent us here in their wisdom, to fashion out a document for this country and it is my humble contention that we should do just that. We would remain in the Constitution. We will answer to the 100 million people of this country… I sympathize with Mr. President because in Mr. President’s lifestyle. There had been several Constituent Assemblies in this country. That is not a very proud thing in the history of any nation…. It is, therefore, with all amount of humanity and responsibility that I submit that Mr. President must have had this in mind, as he rightly, too, mentioned in his speech, that this should be the last Constituent Assembly for a long time, it therefore means that the people of this nation, whom we represent will depend on us to look into every aspect of the Nigerian nation, every aspect of our way of our way of life and to debate in this Constitution that generations yet unborn would be able to identify with. That takes me to the political Bureau Report. This report is the nearest in the history of Reports in this country, that any government has attempted to ask the people of Nigeria right down to the grassroots, as has always been claimed, to say to this nation what they want. The things the people of this country want are in that document and it is my humble contention that nobody in this country and generation yet to come and indeed now, should wish that document away. The country needs to grow and it cannot grow when a group of people wakes up at the slightest pretext to take over the governance of this country. Governance develops out of experience and if we let the polity develop in this country, Nigeria will move from point A to point B.
Distinguished Guest, we had earlier recalled what heatedness, animosity, even assassinations that existed in our election – prior June 12. The present order we have is said to be “a child of necessity.” What necessity? What do you now tell the million of voters who changed the sordid history of voting and elections in this country? And what do you tell those who as a sacrifice to the country and in pursuit of our moving forward as brothers forgot even the Muslim-Muslim ticket? The truth is that the annulment was wrong; it has been stated ‘ad nauseum’. The annulment is loaded Full Square with destructive seeds. This should be righted; that is the first of the Nigerian society. According to the Guardian Newspaper, Sunday May 1, 1994, pg A18, “The Federal Government last week reiterated that the success of the 1994 budget was contingent upon the commitment of all Nigerians to the ideals of patriotism and high moral standards.” It was quoting Professor Jerry Gana of MAMER memory and MAMSA SAMBA dances. How very true! Unfortunately, you cannot get “patriotism” with June 12 hanging in the balance. I state that even if you dump one million dollars on Nigeria right now, it will sink into quicksand. Without patriotism, we have no way out of our economic morass; without resolving June 12, you have no way to engender patriotism. I believe that Nigerians from all parts of the country have inbred belief and disposition for justice and thence patriotism; save a few who are cutting their nose to spite their face from selfishness and self-interest.
Some have stated their continued belief in June 12 restoration, but without Abiola. This does really not understand the issues. No doubt, Abiola might have made mistakes; no doubt some may see him as not their idea of the expected ‘angel’ or ‘messiah’. But governance that would and could emerge under June 12 (with Abiola) would be dependent purely on the caliber of the headship (Abiola) is to miss the point. We have had a visionary leader, a smiling angel, and look at where we got. A June 12 government is one in which whether you have an angel or a demon as the head, the structure for the growth, amity, equity and justice for all Nigerians will supervene. I accept I could be wrong; but my assessment is that today the ordinary Nigerian wakes up in the morning expecting (and even knowing) that today will be worse than yesterday; so will tomorrow – unless some far-fetched miracle happens. How do we get out of this? No matter how long one has gone on the wrong road, one should turn back; otherwise one will not get to the expected or intended destination. Let us restore June 12, all support a National Government there from, rekindle the confidence of all Nigerians, and then have a Sovereign National Conference: to discuss federalism, power-sharing, revenue allocation, minorities.
Unity of the Clenched Fist
Let us imagine a free (independent) hand, formed by a federation of fingers. It is no unity of purpose when the thumb in a clenched fist rides over all the other fingers and claims natural and divine right so to do. Ultimately, the fingers, including the thumb, will be starved of sustenance and will atrophy. Incidentally, some people give so many reasons to ague against zoning or Rotational Presidency. It is self-deceit to argue against this; it is pretending that Nigeria is not supposed to be a federation of distinct nations. Such argument self-defeats and self-destructs when the proponents turn round to support Federal character. Sample: rotational presidency will not ensure that the best Nigerian gets the job; Federal Character helps for all sections to be represented. Well, if the Minister of sports is chosen so as to reflect Federal Character, have we thereby ensured that the best Nigerian is handling our sports? The truth is that most, if not all, composing units of the country could have been states (countries) of their own, and with their own competent president. And you need equity in a federation, not the most versatile ‘genius’ from the same family always as the head. There is nothing personal in my above position. Were all there is nothing personal in my age to be self-interesting, I should then be one of the lucky few to wish that some Military members continue in government indefinitely. I repeat myself here that we should cease from taking all of the military as being in government: when you have military members holding the reins of governance, the military as a body suffers the more in all ramifications. The nation is ‘stunted’; even in spite of individual exceptions.
Ladies and Gentlemen, I have heard some people say that maybe as a result of the annulment, the East or even the Igbos may now have a chance to produce the next President. Of course, it is more than overdue for the East to produce an Executive President, just as it is for the other southern minorities. But let me sate that neither the East, nor Igbos nor anyone else should work for, hope, or gloat over pursuing or achieving the Presidency as a result of injustice. Any arrangement borne out of the injustice will unfailingly only visit a continuation of injustice on the country. Power must start now to shift. But the shift must be based on the goodwill and enthusiasm and patriotism of the majority of Nigerians, which was what June 12 election stood for, and which spirit and actualization we can only allow to be lost only to the detriment of the body-politic and even the national psyche of Nigerians yet unborn.
I end this portion by quoting from the back page of the National Concord of Friday, April 29, 1994: Second Republic External Affairs Minister, Professor Ishaya Audu, has urged Nigerians to unite to realize the June 12 election for whatever reason, in my view, is not only a sin against man, but it is against God. Nigeria is going to be punished for it, if the issue is not revised. Professor Audu declared that it is not the issue of personalities; it is an issue of public morality. It is an issue of right and wrong. It is an issue of justice and justice must not only be done, but also seen to have been done. According to him, until the results of the election are upheld, Nigerians would be deceiving themselves, pointing out that people think we can just continue to get a temporary arrangement and believe that all will be well. Gentlemen, we are all deceiving ourselves.” Needless to say that I support that view. I only add that any one of us, fellow Nigerians, that supports or advances the cause of the annulment in whatever guise, by whatever private, public, official actions or thoughts or words or deeds is an accomplice to injustice. He or she (or they) is not the friend of Nigeria as a country.
Talking about the restoration of June 12 in our national interest, I submit, contrary to the views of MKO, that the State Governors should not be recalled. I know that I will face staunch criticism and vituperations on this score, but we should have the courage for truth. When the November adjustment of the extant “military” (inclusive ING) rule took place, those elected governors should have averred their mandate. Instead, they scurried off. Nobody says they ought have fought violently; No. But they ought then to have stated to their people and the incoming arrangement that they remain elected, such that after whatever time it takes the ‘military’ to again leave the scene, they the elected wish to resume their mandate. Let us now form Governments the other way round. Compose the National Government at the (based on June 12), hold the Sovereign National Conference, conduct elections for the States or the Zone/Regions; then Local Governments or Development area. It needs be mentioned that once you set this in motion, such would be the rekindled enthusiasm of Nigerians (politically, economically, socially) that you will be through in 2 to 3 months and we forge ahead; infact, you will not hear much about break up or acrimony: the spirit of June 12 will take care of all that. Losers! Nobody loses: nobody loses when Nigeria gains; but Nigeria loses when a few individuals (please do not just say the “North” – it is only a few, and they are surrogated all over the country’s peoples) wish to keep their hold on gaining.
We may ask, what of those who were champions of June 12 but are now in the Government? I posit that they have taken individual actions: the much-vilified Nigerian electorate, taken as pliable, malleable, purchasable, now knows better and will take care of them. In a way, it is good thing that their true colours have been brought out.
Distinguished Guests, Gentlemen and Ladies of the Press, back to the Museum, and the National war, by whatever name called, had stopped in terms of bullets and bombs, refugees and starvation – weaponry. But the war against injustice continues. The East or the Igbos did not go to war for a break-up of the country. Infact even if they did (I repeat that they did not), they have a right to opt out of a Federation that no longer worked on justice. What they went for was a war for justice; that war continues; it is in fact gratifying that many more Nigerians from the West, North and Middle Belt have joined the war. Since the WAR for Justice is not over, you cannot even talk of any defeated people. And should this war ever get lost, the loser will be …. Nigeria. Some people even talk of reintegrating the Igbos into Nigeria, and claim the process is completed. What reintegration? What message? Nigeria is incomplete without the other ethnic groups and Nigeria is incomplete without the Igbos. You do not have a whole reintegration the part, when the part is already taken up in the whole.
I thank you all, Ladies and Gentlemen, for your wholesomely Nigerian patience! I end this ‘short’ thought-provoking piece by quoting from two books, “The Paradox of Success”, by John R. O’Neil and “Perspectives on the ‘Nigerian Civil War”, Siyan Oyeweso.
“The more I studied, the more apparent it became to me that the greatest problems of any leader lie deep inside the psyche – in the territory often called the shadow”. “So many people feeling trapped by circumstances that are supposed to be liberating are part of the paradox of success”. But when the wielding of power itself becomes more important than its goal, something is speaking from the shadow. A disproportionate need for power may stem from a sense of helplessness in one’s personal life, when we feel thwarted in a relationship. Some people who were made to feel powerless and extremely vulnerable in childhood overcompensate in their careers by getting caught up in power. Sometimes the perks of power are so seductive that they become the primary motivation for continuing to exercise it. But unlike real nourishment of doing and producing, status and luxuries for more.” At pg 144, O’Neil quotes Charles Handy in the: The Age of Unreason”-: “because most people do not like change, change is forced upon them by crisis and discontinuity.” It is not the mistake that hurts, it’s the grace we employ owing up to it that the Nigerian Federation in contemporary period, as Alison Ayida pointed out, is the growing abject poverty and misery of majority of Nigerians amidst the affluence and profligacy of the ruling elite. This is a ready signpost to insecurity, crisis and instability.”
As I stated earlier, we are now, elite and the common man, soldier or civilian, were today we expect to be worse than yesterday – unless a miracle happens. Such is the situation that we may be sitting on explosive substance: there is not more than a thin thread, the fraction of a second, between law-and-order and anarchy – borne out of frustration. Any, I repeat any Nigerian, including those few people that arrogate eternal rulership rights to themselves, ought to sincere enough to know that things cannot just go on like this for long more, talkless for ever.
As I write, and I later (now) speak, I expect and believe that there would be persons, fellow Nigerians, who would feel uncomfortable; who would even feel threatened in self-interest. Let me appeal to them to let wise counsel prevail. I accept that I could be wrong; I even would pray that the cup of calamity paseth over the country. I sure will be glad for that. But let us all put aside self-interest and think of our present and future generation of Nigerians. What may appear to be a temporary loss of face for anyone or any section of people should become unimportant and become beneficial to all when the country gains as a whole.
Thank you all!.
– Jan. 19, 2021 @ 8:34 GMT |
Tags: Admiral Godwin Ndubisi Kanu
